Testimony of experiences in concentration camps is often framed by the demand that their realities never be forgotten, but also by the recognition that their extent and horror can never be fully understood. A discussion of two works and how they engage with this conundrum.

From an academic and historical perspective, the Jewish genocide is one of the rare events in modern history where written testimonies are still the main source of information. Photographs, film, and museums about the Holocaust exist without doubt – and in great number today. And yet, the continued proliferation of visual information and tangible artefacts only seems to add more to an abundant body of incoherent and fragmented pieces of history, circling around an elusive and invisible center. I suppose another way of formulating it would be to ask ourselves: are we today closer to a more accurate understanding of the Holocaust?

When photographs showing naked Jewish women being rounded up and bodies being burnt surfaced in the aftermath of the Second World War, the French philosopher Georges Didi-Huberman compared their passage from oblivion to public coverage as being “quatre bouts de pellicule arrachés de l’enfer.” [Georges Didi-Huberman, Images malgré tout , Paris, Éditions de Minuit, 2003].Four pieces of film snatched from hell. Do visual sources of information impart a truth no words can? Or does the opposite also hold true: mediated by choice of words and turns of phrases, do written testimonies offer a better and more adapted paradigm precisely in order to understand a human tragedy? In short, just how far can artistic licence go in helping us come to terms with the industrialised and rationalised mass murder of over 7 million people? And perhaps more importantly, how do we ensure that future generations take something away and ‘learn from’ the Holocaust?

In this article, I shall discuss some of these questions through a comparison of a piece of written and film testimony. The two works are Robert Antelme’s L’espèce humaine and Claude Lanzmann’s Shoah.

Those who do not remember the past are condemned to repeat it. In the case of the Holocaust, remembering the past may be a more complicated question than it first appears to be. This is because concentration camps have literally become institutionalised. With explanatory plaques, glass cases of victims’ personal belongings and audio guides, a visit to the Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum becomes at once a pedagogical and informative experience, making it ‘easy’ for anyone taking the slightest interest in the subject to learn about the Holocaust. But have we learned from it?

‘Learning about’ is the passive, factual grasping of how the actions of A ramify B. It is a ‘do-this-get-that’ forward-thinking mindset. On the other hand, ‘learning from’ is the looking-backward attempt at reasoning why B is a consequence of A. To ‘learn from’ the Holocaust is therefore to understand why it happened. The apprehension of such knowledge is at once perennial and ethically bound to assure that history never repeats itself. Unfortunately, this linear schematisation of understanding may not be applicable to the absence of the ‘why’ – the unimaginable, senseless horror – of the concentration camps. Indeed, successive perpetrations such as the Rwandan and the Bosnian genocide indicate that our understanding of the Holocaust is limited at best. How are we to obey the ethical imperative of never forgetting that which we do not fully understand? How are we to fully understand that which we cannot write as knowledge?

This article will draw upon Judith Butler’s notion of frames of knowledge precisely to help frame the underlying problems and to define the nature of this conundrum. This will then lead to a discussion of how two works have engaged with this conundrum, revealing an aspect of “horror” in each work not present in the others. Because transmission of trauma also implies active reception on the part of the reader, we will also describe how we, as the reader/viewer, in turn actively engage with the works.

In her book Frames of War[1], Butler argues that knowledge is neither absolute nor discursive, but societal. It is defined only in relation to another frame of knowledge that we ourselves have constructed. This presents a major problem for testimonies of first-generation Holocaust survivors.

In the urgent need to liberate, to alleviate oneself of the burdens of trauma, testimonies produced in the immediate aftermath of the events suffer from a lack of historical objectivity. Psychologist Dori Laub corroborates this observation, asserting that testimonies are only possible retrospectively, for they “[entail] such an outstanding measure of awareness and comprehension of the event – of its dimensions, consequences, and above all, of its radical otherness to all known frames of reference – that it [is] beyond the limits of human ability (and willingness) to grasp, to transmit, or to imagine[2]”. Indeed, as an event “taken at once as paradigmatic of the human potential for evil and as a truly singular expression of that potential which frustrates and ought to forbid all comparison with other events[3]”, how is the full extent of the Holocaust to be understood if there is no other event in history, no frame of knowledge, with which to compare this “radical otherness” – this notion of “horror”?

Primo Levi ripped off the proverbial bandage in affirming that “general significance”, or a shared and commonly accepted understanding of the Holocaust, is unattainable. Instead, the very “significance” of the events is always framed in relation to what writers and artists, as well as readers and viewers, personally regard as being significant. Herein lies the conundrum: it is only through a subjective frame, according to Levi, that objective historical veracity and the collective responsibility to never forget the former are mediated.

However, in the context of the Holocaust, subjective framing of testimonies is problematic. In Chare’s article The Gap in Context, the author argues that the imposed negation of the Muselmann makes it impossible to bear witness to the realities of the Holocaust. Because the subject of the testimony remains in a liminal state, between frames of life and death, the human and inhuman, the object of his testimony will consequently remain between frames, not inside them. This is problematic, for “if […] the only way to bear witness is to return to a fuller selfhood, a return that is enabled by the occurrence of that testimony […] then a central aspect of the camp experience – the loss of self – is lost in the account[4]”. In other words, the recovery of the subjective frame results in the loss of complete historical objectivity; on the other hand, left unsaid, traumatic experiences remain in a state of potentiality, undefined and inapprehensible. Like the figure of the Muselmann, horror is the “in-between, the ambiguous, the composite[5]”, a chimera oscillating between positions. What this means is that horror is not fully transmissible, and can only be partially understood at the expense of something else which lies outside the subjective frame.

The two works to be discussed offer an interesting comparison in their different conception and treatment of horror. In Robert Antelme’s L’espèce humaine, horror is conceived as ”obscurité, manque absolu de repère, solitude, oppression incessante, anéantissement lent[6]”. Because Antelme recounts his personal experiences in the work camps as opposed to the extermination camps, his conception of horror is the endless regress, withering, of the human project – neither human nor inhuman, neither living nor dead. In contrast, Claude Lanzmann’s film Shoah is about the extermination camps. Here, horror is not conceived as the anéantissement lent of the human, it is about the néant. Lanzmann concisely summarises his nine-hour project as “a film about the dead and not at all about survival[7]”. This distinction between work and extermination camps must be emphasised, for it affects the nature of the testimony in question. The possibility of “surviving” means the possibility of bearing witness, of a subjective frame.

Clearly, this has influenced Antelme’s use of a subjective frame to stake a universal claim for the human species. In order to construct this subjective frame, Antelme resorts to “choice”, to the use of imagination, in the face of the unimaginable. This choice is as much his’, as writer, as it is the reader’s, to suspend their disbelief, to disengage with the “nécessaire incrédulité[8]”, in order to create a space of necessary imaginative engagement that may allow us to know something. An example of how the reader must actively engage with the testimony in order to ‘know’ something is a scene in the second part of the book, La Route. In this scene, the copains, along with the Nazis, are fleeing the approaching Allied forces. In an effort to reduce the size of the ‘herd’, a SS officer ‘fishes out’ at random one of the numerous filing prisoners – an Italian:

On a vu la mort sur l’Italien. Il est devenu rose après que le SS lui a dit : Du komme hier ! Il a dû regarder autour de lui avant de rosir, mais c’était lui qui était désigné, et quand il n’a plus douté il est devenu rose. Le SS qui cherchait un homme, n’importe lequel, pour faire mourir, l’avait “trouvé” lui. Et lorsqu’il l’a eu trouvé, il s’en est tenu là, il ne s’est pas demandé : pourquoi lui et plus un autre ? Et l’Italien, quand il a eu compris qu’il s’agissait bien de lui, a lui-même accepté ce hasard, ne s’est pas demandé : pourquoi moi plus qu’un autre ?[9]

It is important to note that in this instance, the testimony of the Italian’s initial disbelief of having been chosen to die functions precisely through Antelme’s suspension of this very same disbelief. This is apparent in Antelme’s neutral tone – it almost seems that he is not only suspending disbelief, but also refusing to disbelieve, refusing to give into this necessary incredulity – refusing trauma. This is in contradiction with the circumstances under which the book was conceived. Published in 1947 to little acclaim, L’espèce humaine is the product of a “véritable hémorragie d’expression[10]” of the post-war era and of the need to react to, and exorcise, the horror of the concentration camps. Nevertheless, Antelme plays the devil’s advocate, allowing something almost poignant to transpire out of this disaster: “quelque chose de plus haut et de plus fier que le reproche : quelque chose comme une assez hautaine constatation[11]”. When the Italian turns pink, Antelme is not denoting (i.e. – interpreting for the reader) but connoting (i.e. – leaves it to the reader to interpret) the double significance of “il est devenu rose”. The reader must therefore actively engage with the text in order to realise that the Italian could either be turning pink, or becoming the colour pink itself.

In a way, Antelme succeeds where many have failed: he draws upon imagination to create a space of projection within which the reader ‘inserts’ himself to witness, as Antelme himself has witnessed, the “framing out” of the Italian from normative instances of life, allowing us to see something of the spectral figure of the Muselmann. Judith Butler writes: “there is no life and death without a relation to some frame[12]”. Through the use of a subjective frame, Antelme frames out the Italian from himself and the others who continue marching, casting him out of what is considered a normative definition of life, and making apparent the disappearing symbolic potential of the face as it becomes pink. Through this relativisation of human life, Antelme allows us to know something about the criteria against which the Nazis judged those who were or weren’t worthy of living.

So has Antelme successfully engaged with this conundrum? Indeed, through imagination, Antelme creates a metonymic representation of the Muselmann – the impossible witness – to whom he bore witness. While this can never fully represent the original experience, for there will always be a gap between witness and testimony, Antelme, far from reconstituting what he saw, constitutes something beyond the directly verifiable – something of this sense of shame of the Italian at his complicity in his own meaningless death. In his article The Rhetoric of Disaster, Bernard-Donals writes: “What the Holocaust shows, perhaps more clearly than other traumatic events, is that discourse cannot represent what has been seen, and that at best it indicates the effect upon the witness of what [he] saw[13]”. Indeed, it is through ‘unwriting’ – “non pas un langage et une écriture retrouvés intacts après l’épreuve, mais traversés par cette épreuve même[14]” – that the reader can begin to conceive not so much a full understanding of horror as an understanding of the traumatic effects of horror on Antelme.

On the other hand, Lanzmann’s Shoah is not subjectively framed in that it does not focus on a single personal story with a linear narrative. Instead, the structure of the film is circular: “images and words circle obsessively around the sites of destruction, moving ever closer to an elusive center[15]”. As the title suggests, Shoah is an encyclopaedic project that attempts to define the Holocaust as a totalising event via selected testimonies. While the content of the testimonies are revealing, our focus should instead be the method Lanzmann employs to create a unique documentary within the Holocaust filmic corpus. Insdorf writes: “The achievement of Shoah is that it contains no music, no voice-over narration, no self-conscious camera work, no stock images – just precise questions and answers, evocative places and faces, and horror recollected in tranquillity[16]”. Through Shoah, Lanzmann creates a “new form” of testimony, one that refrains from any use of historical, archival footage in favour of present, ‘live’ testimonies. This, Lanzmann claims, leads to the “création de la mémoire[17]” of the events.

In one of the later scenes, Lanzmann interviews Abraham Bomba, a Polish-Jewish survivor of Treblinka who was forced to cut the hair of women before they were sent to the gas chambers. The interview takes place in a barbershop in Israel. This mise-en-scène is the tool to the creation of memory, precisely because it makes use of the present time and place to reactivate memories of the past. Lanzmann pushes it further by asking Abraham to re-enact the way he cut women’s hair. By subjecting Abraham to this re-enactment, the witness is not only reactivating, but also reliving, memories of the camps. And then, Lanzmann pushes it further, asking Abraham to answer a question he has been avoiding:

Lanzmann: But I asked you and you didn’t answer: What was your impression the first time you saw these naked women arriving with children? What did you feel?

Bomba: […] A friend of mine worked as a barber – he was a good barber in my hometown – when his wife and his sister came into the gas chamber . . .

Lanzmann: Go on, Abe. You must go on. You have to.

Bomba: I can’t. It’s too horrible. Please.

Lanzmann: We have to do it. You know it […][18]

It is moments like these which impart a truth about the Holocaust. It is not only what the witness says, but also how he says it, the look in his eyes, the trembling of his lips, which reveals something about the horror no words can. Indeed, written testimonies such as Antelme’s are more subjective, for they are guided by certain choices of words and turns of phrases. Similarly, Lanzmann’s selected live testimonies may be considered subjective, for they were selected. Nevertheless, live testimonies possess a degree of unpredictability that written testimonies unfortunately do not, for the film camera not only records the words of the witness, but also his body language.

All this being said, for someone who is as experimental in his approach to documentary filming, it comes as a surprise that Lanzmann claims Shoah to be the ‘purest’ form. By doing so, Lanzmann ironically creates a normative frame against which all other modes of representation of the Holocaust are judged and negated. Moreover, this goes against the very objective of the film: the reckoning with the impossibility of representation. Would Antelme’s L’espèce humaine be worth any less because it attempts to represent the Holocaust through a subjective frame? Instead, it is preferable to view each work as complementing each other. As a piece of reactive testimony, L’espèce humaine’s prerogative is to use imagination to “faire passer une parcelle de vérité[19]” through a mediated and metonymic mode of representation, in order to ‘take leave’ of trauma. Shoah, on the other hand, does not deal with the “convoluted logic of dehumanisation that characterised the Final Solution[20]” as much as prompting us to never forget the Holocaust – or rather, that it can never be forgotten, for it never ends and is constantly relived in the present.

Is it possible to find a compromise between the two parts to this conundrum after all? That the extent and horror of the Holocaust can never be fully understood is confirmed in both of the works discussed. In Robert Antelme’s L’espèce humaine, the use of a subjective frame inevitably frames out the loss of subjectivity – an important defining feature of the horror of the camps. This is a paradox that will never be solved. Nevertheless, this same subjective frame, by its very relation to that which it casts out, also allows us to know how one man may be defined in relation to another, but also that ultimately, we are all part of “unité indivisible[21]” of the human species. In Claude Lanzmann’s Shoah, it is affirmed from the outset that it is impossible to represent, let alone fully understand, the Holocaust. However, through the use of live testimony and the abstention from all historical footage, Lanzmann shows that even traumatic, repressed memories can be relived in the absence of traces. It never ends.

In both cases, Antelme and Lanzmann have at the very least fulfilled the demand that the realities of the concentration camps never be forgotten, for their works have had an important impact on posterity and have inspired other writers and artists, as well as researchers and students, to keep learning about – and more importantly – to keep learning from the Holocaust. Perhaps the very reason that subsequent atrocities continue to transpire today is due to insufficient historical hindsight that has not yet provided us with a frame of knowledge to better understand this radical otherness of the Holocaust. Perhaps with time, through this movement between the ‘approaching toward’ and the ‘taking leave of’ trauma, will memory of the Holocaust evolve, and an indelible mark will impart upon the conscience of men.

···

 

 — C.S.


 

Footnotes

[1] Judith Butler, ‘Frames of War: When is Life Grievable?’, (New York, 2009)

[2] Nicholas Chare, ‘The Gap in Context: Giorgio Agamben’s Remnants of Auschwitz’, Cultural Critique, 64 (Fall 2006), p.41

[3] Michael Rothberg, ‘We Were Talking Jewish: Art Spiegelman’s Maus as Holocaust Production’, Contemporary Literature, Vol.35, No.4 (Winter, 1994), p.670

[4] Chare, p.58

[5] Julia Kristeva,’ Powers of Horror’, Trans. Leon S Roudiez (Columbia University Press, 1982), p.4

[6] Robert Antelme, ‘L’espèce humaine’ (Gallimard, 1957), p.11

[7] Claude Lanzmann, ‘Lanzmann on Schindler’s List’, http://phil.uu.nl/staff/rob/2007/hum291/lanzmannschindler.shtml, [accessed on 24/03/2014]

[8] Antelme, p.302

[9] Antelme, pp.241-2

[10] Thomas Regnier, ‘L’unité indivisible de l’humanité’, Le Magazine Littéraire, N°438, (January 2005), p.50

[11] Francis Ponge, ‘Note sur « Les Otages », Peintures de Fautrier, Tome Premier (Gallimard, 1965), p.450

[12] Butler, p.7

[13] Michael Bernard-Donals, ‘The Rhetoric of Disaster and the Imperative of Writing’, Rhetoric Society Quarterly, Vol.31, No.1 (Winter, 2001), p.87

[14] François Bizet, ‘Postérité de L’Espèce humaine’, French Forum, Vol.33, No.3 (Fall 2008), p.58

[15] Toby Haggith and Joanna Newman, ‘Holocaust and The Moving Image : representations in film and television since 1933’, (Wallflower Press, 2005), p.162

[16] Annette Insdorf, ‘Indelible Shadows : Film and The Holocaust’, (Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 240

[17] Daniel Bougnoux, ‘Le monument contre l’archive : entretien avec Claude Lanzmann’, http://www.mediologie.org/cahiers-de-mediologie/11_transmettre/lanzmann.pdf, p.274 [accessed on 24/03/2014]

[18] Claude Lanzmann, ‘Shoah: The Complete Text of the Acclaimed Holocaust Film’ (First De Capo Press, 1995), p.107

[19] Antelme, p.302

[20] Michael Bernard-Donals and Richard Glejzer, ‘Between Witness and Testimony: The Holocaust and The Limits of Representation’, (State University of New York Press, 2001), p.12

[21] Antelme, p.11


 

Bibliography

Antelme, Robert. L’espèce humaine. (Gallimard, 1957).

Bernard-Donals, Michael. The Rhetoric of Disaster and the Imperative of Writing. (Rhetoric Society Quarterly, Vol.31, No.1, Winter, 2001).

Bernard-Donals, Michael and Glezjer, Richard. Between Witness and Testimony: The Holocaust and The Limits of Representation. (State University of New York Press, 2001).

Bizet, François. Postérité de L’Espèce humaine. (French Forum, Vol.33, No.3, Fall 2008).

Bougnoux, Daniel. Le monument contre l’archive : entretien avec Claude Lanzmannhttp://www.mediologie.org/cahiers-de-mediologie/11_transmettre/lanzmann.pdf. [accessed on 24/03/2014].

Butler, Judith. Frames of War: When is Life Grievable? (New York, 2009).

Chare, Nicholas. The Gap in Context: Giorgio Agamben’s Remnants of Auschwitz. (Cultural Critique, 64, Fall 2006).

Haggith, Toby and Newman, Joanna. Holocaust and The Moving Image: representations in film and television since 1933. (Wallflower Press, 2005).

Insdorf, Annette. Indelible Shadows : Film and The Holocaust. (Cambridge University Press, 2003).

Kristeva, Julia. Powers of Horror. Trans. Leon S Roudiez (Columbia University Press, 1982).

Lanzmann, Claude. Shoah: The Complete Text of the Acclaimed Holocaust Film. (First De Capo Press, 1995).

Lanzmann, Claude. Lanzmann on Schindler’s Listhttp://phil.uu.nl/staff/rob/2007/hum291/lanzmannschindler.shtml, [accessed on 24/03/2014].

Ponge, Francis. Peintures de Fautrier. Tome Premier (Gallimard, 1965).

Regnier, Thomas. L’unité indivisible de l’humaniLe Magazine Littéraire. N°438, (January 2005).

Rothberg, Michael. We Were Talking Jewish: Art Spiegelman’s Maus as Holocaust Production. (Contemporary Literature, Vol.35, No.4, Winter, 1994).

“American Prometheus: The Triumph and Tragedy of J. Robert Oppenheimer”, Martin J. Sherwin/ Kai Bird

This is probably one of the best biographies I’ve read to date. Sherwin and Bird bring to light the portrait of a man whose contributions to science and its ethical repercussions have been, and continue to be, greatly undermined and underappreciated.

Oppenheimer is best known as the father of the atomic bomb; but in this biography the authors have convincingly argued how his “child” was never properly raised to further the benign advantages of atomic energy. Repenting the manifestation of “Death that soon had become”, Oppenheimer attempted, but ultimately failed, to dissuade the US government – at the height of McCarthyism – from augmenting its nuclear arsenal, developing the H-bomb, and in working towards the Bohrian policy of “openess” (a policy encouraging nations to act transparently in nuclear energy-related matters). Instead, he became the victim of one of America’s greatest anti-communist purges and was forced to witness the world come within yards of Armagaeddon.

While evidence of very thorough research is palpable, I must in particular commend the authors for their rare and genuine ability to reflect upon what they have compiled. As someone who has heard so much about the man who was responsible for the deaths of a many hundred thousands, I give fulsome praise to the authors’ ability to convince me otherwise and sympathise with him. I’d also like to note the very complete nature of this biography; it does not only focus on what Oppenheimer is known for, but also on the smaller details that ultimately makes him human – albeit a fascinating one!

A biography that fully deserved the Pulitzer.

5 stars out of 5

— C.S.

“Le Maître et Marguerite”, Mikhail Bulgakov

Une oeuvre frappante, extraordinaire, complexe, dépassant, à mon avis, les bornes et bouleversant les canons préétablis de ce qu’est censée être la littérature russe. Le Maître et Marguerite se met à part par rapport aux grands noms de la littérature russe – Tolstoï, Dostoievski et Gogol – ayant ceci de particulier qu’il est très léger, humoristique, voire fantasmagorique. Vous ne trouverez pas ici de descriptions fleuries et interminables, mais plutôt des dialogues mémorables écrites dans un langage tranchant et précis. Il a fallu aussi bien l’avènement du régime soviétique de Staline que le talent hors pair de Boulgakov pour qu’un nouveau genre littéraire vienne rompre avec le réalisme social de Tolstoï et Dostoievski, tant la réalité sociale du régime soviétique était tellement épouvantable que continuer d’écrire à l’instar des grands noms littéraires aurait été déstabilisant pour les lecteurs, sans même tenir compte de la censure. Le résultat est une oeuvre purement allégorique et satirique, s’opérant à travers la suggestion et l’allusion, mais qui accomplit ce devoir de critique sociale et politique avec un admirable succès.

Comme tout chef d’oeuvre, on y retrouve tous les thèmes importants : la moralité, l’absurdité de la vie, la souffrance, l’amour, la spiritualité, et plus précisément, le combat de l’écrivain vis-à-vis du rejet de son oeuvre par la société : un thème cher chez Boulgakov qui, lui-même, a vécu cette épreuve.

À lire absolument, sinon pour la richesse et la profondeur de ses messages, du moins pour se divertir tout simplement !

5 étoiles sur 5

 

— C.S.

1Q84, Haruki Murakami

1Q84 est une oeuvre colossale, et ce non en raison de ses quelques 1.500 pages. En effet, sa longueur a fait l’objet de nombreuses critiques prétendant au rabâchage du contenu, vraisemblablement parce que Murakami se fait payer au nombre de mots. Une observation bien fondée, bien que mal justifiée. Les adeptes de Murakami sauront pourquoi ils le sont. Car chez Murakami, il n’est pas tant question d’une écriture concise que celle de la réitération. Et pour cause. Ce qui a fait le renom de Murakami, c’est avant tout la juxtaposition de la vie bien réglée des gens ordinaires vis-à-vis de l’élément surnaturel qui s’y introduit en chamboulant la banalité du quotidien. “Chroniques de l’oiseau à ressort” en est un bel exemple. L’idée d’un oiseau qu’on ne voit jamais, mais qui remonte les petits rouages qui font marcher le monde, est une belle allégorie qui passe pour le cas de 1Q84. Divisé en trois tomes, chacun étant un compte rendu des événements qui passent trois mois durant (le mois d’avril jusqu’au mois décembre), 1Q84 se lit de manière diachronique.

D’une part, il s’agit d’une documentation méticuleuse du temps qui passe, de l’insignifiance de la vie des personnages désœuvrés en cette année de 1984. D’où le besoin de réitérer.

D’autre part, il s’agit d’un questionnement de ce qui peut arriver dans le temps donné, de ce qu’est le monde de 1Q84 (le “Q” dans 1Q84 signifie justement “question”). Inutile de dire qu’à la manière de Murakami, il arrive des tas de choses saugrenues.

Cependant, ce n’est pas là la qualité singulière de 1Q84. Certes, la prose de Murakami a toujours eu la réputation d’être facile à lire. Un commentateur de FranceCulture va même jusqu’à parler de la platitude de son style. Peu importe la validité de l’argument, car je dirais même qu’il s’agit de cette platitude qui donne de la profondeur à ses personnages. On peut tirer l’exemple du personnage d’Ushikawa. Plusieurs chapitres durant, il reste enfermé à épier les gens par la fenêtre en même temps qu’il se livre à un monologue existentiel. Idem pour Aomamé, qui vit recluse entre les quatre murs de son cache. Des propos réitérés, rabâchés. Même par endroits, presque aucun rebondissement. Soit. Toujours est-il que les personnages ne cessent d’évoluer dans la “léthargie de l’ennui”. Ils deviennent plus crédibles, plus humains.

Comme avec tous les ouvrages de Murakami, 1Q84 ne propose aucune résolution commode, ce qui est un peu frustrant pour celui qui a fait autant d’efforts pour en arriver à une conclusion quelque peu mièvre !

Cela à part, à lire absolument.

4 étoiles sur 5

 

— C.S.

Attitudes towards Islam in France since the colonial era

This article has been adapted from my undergraduate essay for a class about French colonialism in the 20th Century. It was written in December 2014, just weeks before the onset of the first of two tragic events of 2015. What I have written here does not attempt to discuss current events, nor is it a political analysis of the events. It is above all a piece of cultural and historical analysis.

According to a controversial 2012 survey published by the Institut français d’opinion publique (Ifop), 43% of the polled French citizens view Islam as a “threat to French identity[1]”. The fact that the survey was published for the right-wing newspaper Le Figaro indeed calls into question the reliability of this percentage. Nevertheless, the survey topic regarding Islam and its threat to French identity may offer some insight into the Republic’s political and cultural attitudes towards the highly debated religion since the colonial era. Central to understanding the extent to which these attitudes have changed since the colonial era is the 1905 Church-State separation law of laïcité. Originally an affair of the French métropole and mainly concerned with the separation of the Catholic Church from the public sphere, the law was eventually applied to the colonies via multiple and often contradicting policies throughout the twentieth century. In the twenty-first-century postcolonial context, laïcité has not only again become an affair of the métropole, but also more importantly, after a century’s consolidation, risen to the status of “pierre angulaire du pacte républicain[2]”, thus becoming a marker of French identity. What was then in 1905 a “simple institutional means through which the fundamental ends of freedom of belief and equal respect for different beliefs might be upheld[3]” has at present become “a primarily repressive tool to be directed principally against Islam […], a problem at the interface of government and culture.[4]

This article aims to reflect on this interface of government and culture, or to be more precise, the relationship between cultural discourse and political policy. I shall attempt to initiate a broad, theoretical discussion about how cultural discourse influences attitudes both cultural (i.e. creating Orientalist perceptions of Islam) and political (i.e. informing policy). This will be followed by a contextualised discussion about a dominant cultural discourse on Islam, focusing on Algeria as the source, and the Mosquée de Paris as a product, of this discourse. Two aspects of Islam will then be explored: policies regarding 1) ‘Muslim immigrants’ and 2) Muslim women in France. Not only revealing of the little change in perceptions of Islam, policies regarding Muslim immigrants also reveal the profound crisis affecting the very idea of the Nation-State as “corps politiques adossés à une culture.[5]” The status of Muslim women, on the other hand, was significant for judging the culturally different, subordinate ‘Other’ throughout the colonial era.

In his book The Idea of Culture, Terry Eagleton explores the tensions between politics and culture: “cultivation…may not only be something we do to ourselves. It may also be something done to us, not least by the political state.[6]” He cites ‘high culture’, embodied in the idea of civilisation, as an example of a Third Republic cultural discourse used to legitimise the mission civilisatrice political policy throughout the colonial era, “[denying] colonial peoples the right to self-government until they are ‘civilised’ enough to exercise it responsibly.[7]” Combined with virulent anticlerical sentiments of the fin-de-siècle period, the stage was set for the Orientalist production of an Islam antithetical to the secular values of the Third Republic: obscurantist instead of enlightening, backward instead of progressive, fanatical instead of rational. Although it must be noted that Foucauldian discourses are multiple and dynamic, in this article it will be argued that a dominant and unified cultural discourse on Islam pervaded the colonial era, informing attitudes both cultural (i.e. Orientalist perceptions of Islamic practices) and political (i.e. how these perceptions went into shaping policies applied to ‘Muslim immigrant’ populations and women).

To focus on Algeria as the source of a cultural discourse on Islam is a good starting point. According to colonial historian Edmund Burke, “the Algerian experience marked the French image of the world of Islam […]. It was through an Algerian lens that Frenchmen viewed other Islamic societies.[8]” Historically, Algeria was the first of the three Maghrebi countries to be colonised by France. Demographically, there was a significantly larger French settler community in Algeria compared to Tunisia and Morocco. Geographically, Algeria was the closest colony to the French métropole, and was often called France’s ‘back door’. The combination of these three factors is problematic for assessing cultural attitudes towards Islam in France, for Algeria, though culturally distinct from France, was precisely considered to be an integral part of France. This meant that Islam, more than a religious and social system, was to be overshadowed by a cultural discourse about it, “and as such has less to do with the Orient than it does with [France].[9]” French culture, indeed, “gained in strength and identity by setting itself off against the Orient as a sort of surrogate and even underground self.[10]

This cultural discourse about Islam took on the shape of the Mosquée de Paris, inaugurated in 1926. In addition to commemorating the indigenous soldiers who had participated in the First World War, the mosque, according to Davidson, is also a temple to Islam français, “a blending of French secular republicanism with distinct embodied practices and aesthetics drawn from the French imaginary of orthodox Islam.[11]” As Islam was, at its core, thought to be a “fundamentally foreign entity […], a totalising system that controlled all aspects of Muslim daily life[12]”, Islamic practices therefore “could not possibly accommodate the distinction between private and public lives that twentieth century laïcité required.[13]” However, building the mosque ironically meant violating the law of 1905, for it rendered places of Islamic worship public and visible, bringing Muslims “out into the daylight[14]” whilst paradoxically “pushing them toward accepting the Republic, with its laïcité and integration.[15]” The underlying motive was so the French state would be able to monitor the growing North African population in Paris in the 1920s and 1930s[16].

Interestingly, this political policy regarding ‘Muslim immigrant’ populations has changed little since the colonial era. One way to support this claim is to simply look at 1) the kind of discourse still being circulated in the French press today and 2) its content.

For example, the very use of the term ‘Muslim immigrants’ (immigrés musulmans) is problematic in today’s discourse, especially to designate Algerian Muslims who immigrated to France after Algerian independence. According to a survey published in 2006, 42% of the polled French Muslims identify themselves as French citizens first and Muslims second[17]. And yet, as Davidson argues, by identifying these immigrants as neither ‘Algerians’ nor ‘French’, the French state accomplished important political work, “[denying] them a potential political identity that threatened its authority (Algerian) while at the same time making it impossible for them to lay claim to a different one (French), because of their innate ‘religious’ identity.[18]” Just as referring to French Muslims today as ‘Muslim immigrants’ may be seen as a way to ensure that ‘Muslim immigrants’ remain only Muslim, so the Mosquée de Paris was built to ensure that the Muslim population in Paris in the 1920s and 1930s practice only within this discriminatory space. Political attitudes toward the Muslim population in France have therefore not changed, but, if anything, are symptomatic of a French identity crisis torn between “le droit du sang et le droit du sol.[19]

The content of today’s French press also points to the almost unchanging adverse political attitude towards the Muslim population in France since the colonial era. Mohammed Moussaoui of the the Conseil représantif du culte musulman affirms that “les Français ne connaissent l’islam qu’à travers l’actualité, qui se concentre sur les faits négatifs comme l’arrestation de radicaux.[20]” Indeed, the controversial Ifop poll of 2012 citing that altogether 60% of polled citizens deem Islam to be too ‘visible’[21] could be seen as a reaction to the attacks of September 11 2001, and going further back, fears of “pan-Islamic” violence and the bomb attacks in Paris and Lyon in the 1990s. Therefore, a growing ‘Muslim’ population in France meant growing paranoia against Islam as a political ideology. This would explain why the 2004 law banning hijab in schools could be conceived. As Prime Minister Raffarin explained in front of the Assemblé Nationale, “the veil and other religious signs take on a political meaning and can no longer be considered as personal signs of religious affiliation.[22]” France’s subsequent Prime Minister, François Fillon, said much about the contradictions within the republican laïc model when he declared: “je préfère des mosquées ouvertes à des caves obscures[23]”. If, indeed, current debates about adversity to the visibility of Islam in France are to be taken seriously, then the question of why the construction of mosques, schools and halal abattoirs were openly encouraged starting in the 1990s must first be answered. As Bowen has argued, the willingness of the French government to help local Islamic groups construct mosques at the very same time that the headscarf affair had sharpened tensions over Islam guaranteed that the state and municipalities can also regulate them[24], just as it was in the 1920s and 1930s.

However, to understand why this political attitude, unfavourable to the Muslim population, has been able to continue since the colonial era will require the analysis of a crucial turning point in French colonial history, namely the invention of yet another discourse. According to Shepard, decolonisation is a discourse, a coping strategy invented to refashion the Algerian Revolution as nothing more than a natural evolutionary step in France’s mission civilisatrice, thus prolonging the legitimacy of the French republican model and making colonialism acceptable[25]. The Crémieux laws of 1870 for instance show that Algerian Jews could be assimilated into France because of their ‘undeniable Frenchness’, thereby “[guaranteeing] that all Algerian Jews were French citizens and, in doing so, [insisting] that assimilation – and, far more importantly, republican universalism – did not need to be rethought in light of Algeria, its French history, or its revolution.[26]” Indeed, the word ‘assimilation’ is still very much part of today’s republican discourse about the Muslim population in France. Though often associated with the Front National, François Fillon of the Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (UMP) surprisingly stated recently that he would like to replace intégration with a politique d’assimilation[27]. Whereas the policy of integration “propose de construire un creuset commun en respectant les différences de chacun[28]”, assimilation is the “renonciation des immigrés à leur culture d’origine, la mise au pas de leur personnalité et leur atomisation au sein de la société qui les absorbe.[29]” In today’s globalised world, where cultural diversity is often seen to be an asset rather than a hindrance to society, political attitudes toward the Muslim population in France have surprisingly changed little since the colonial era. Not able to respect differences of this population, the only possibility, as mentioned above, was to regulate their activities through the building of mosques and other Muslim institutions. “La visibilité brutale de l’Islam dans l’espace français”, as a result, “s’explique par le déclin d’une civilisation qui n’arrive pas à faire le deuil de [son passé colonial].[30]

It has thus been argued that cultural and political attitudes towards ‘Muslim immigrant’ populations in France have changed little since the colonial era. A dominant cultural discourse about Islam was forged in colonial Algeria. According to this discourse, Islam was a fundamentally foreign entity, and as such it was believed that Muslim practitioners were not able to segregate public from private spaces demanded by the 1905 law of laïcité. This discourse was applied through the mosque-building policy in the 1990s. The institutionalisation of Islam paradoxically breached boundaries between state and religion, revealing the profound crisis affecting the very idea of the Nation-State as “corps politiques adossés à une culture.[31]” The discourse about decolonisation, in turn, served only to perpetuate the conflicted republican model. The fact that the colonialist concept of ‘assimilation’ is still fashionable in today’s postcolonial era indicates the willingness for a traditional republican, ‘common culture and identity’ to be defended against fears of communautarisme. Essentially, contemporary laïcité is a “project of government through culture.[32]

Whereas cultural and political attitudes towards the Muslim population in France have hardly changed since the colonial era, this is not entirely the case with Muslim women. Eugène Daumas, a French colonial ethnographer in Algeria, wrote in 1856: “the condition of women allows us to evaluate the social state of a people, their mores and level of civilisation.[33]” This observation indeed suggests that during the colonial era, the Arab woman “functioned as an inverted image for confirming the European settlers’ distinct cultural identity, while denying the political existence of the other.[34]” This unflattering cultural discourse about Muslim women “became another way of talking about Islam – about the procreation of the Muslim family and of a social order so utterly different as to make assimilation inconceivable.[35]” In other words, during the colonial era misogynistic cultural attitudes towards Muslim women reflected a broader, cultural perception of a feminine Islam, and this perception influenced change from assimilationist to association colonial policy. Nevertheless, as the line between these two policies was always a fragile one to begin with, it cannot therefore be argued that policy was influenced by cultural attitudes towards Muslim women during the colonial era. As Julia Clancy-Smith affirms, the French Empire never actually had a formal policy regarding Muslim women in Algeria, but preferred instead to collude with Arab males in respecting Algerian Islamic laws regarding Muslim women, such as the right to arrange child marriages, male polygamy, the harem and most importantly, the imposing of the veil upon Muslim women[36].

Daumas was interestingly foreshadowing the headscarf affair of 1989 when he proclaimed that his purpose, as an ethnographer, was to “tear off the veil that still covers the morals, customs and beliefs of Arab society.[37]” The 1994 and 2004 laws banning the hijab in schools confirm this change in political attitude towards Muslim women and Islam from colonial complacency to active Islamophobia. Although the political motives of each respective government are subject to debate and interpretation, the very fact that their attitudes culminated in similar policies does reveal something about the blurring of Left and Right wing ideologies in France. Additionally, this change in political attitude towards Islam was due to growing fears about Islamic fundamentalism following the end of the Soviet Union in 1989. The September 11 attacks of 2001 only aggravated the international political climate of terrorism. Historical circumstances therefore intervened to influence this change in policy regarding Muslim women, and this change in policy was not the result of a change in cultural attitude or discourse about Islam.

I have therefore argued that political and cultural attitudes towards Islam have, for the most part, changed little since the colonial era. What has changed, however, is the implementation of the policy forbidding Muslim girls to wear headscarves in French public schools in the name of laïcité. It was not a change for the better. In December 2014, a request was made by the UMP in December to encourage government officials of the Right and Far Right to not display the crèches de noel in public spaces[38]. French laïcité has indeed moved from being a staple of republican culture to becoming a “project of government through culture[39]”. Although discourses are multiple and dynamic, a dominant cultural discourse about Islam was able to assert a lasting influence on policies regarding ‘Muslim immigrants’ and women since the colonial era. This discourse produced an Islam opposite to the secular values of the Republic, and today we are still living within policies and structures produced by a binary society.

The onslaught of the tragic events of 2015 is a crucial turning point. The stakes are higher than ever, and France now stands before a precipice – it has the choice either to remain stagnant vis-à-vis the changing tides of history, or to reflect upon its outdated discourse and policies and incite positive change.

•••

— C.S.


 

Footnotes

[1] AFP. ‘L’Islam trop visible pour une majorité qui y voient une “menace”’. http://www.20minutes.fr/france/1029654-20121025-islam-trop-visible-majorite-voient-menace, (accessed 11/12/2014)

[2] Stasi, B. Rapport de la Commission de réflexion sur l’application du principe de laïcité dans la République. (2003: La Documentation française), p.21

[3] Ahearne, J. ‘Laïcité: A parallel French cultural policy’ in French Cultural Studies. (2014 25:320), p.324

[4] Ibid., p.325

[5] Wieder,T. ‘Aux racines de l’identité nationale’. http://www.lemonde.fr/politique/article/2009/11/06/aux-racines-de-l-identite-nationale_1263699_823448.html, (accessed 11/12/2014)

[6] Eagleton, T. The Idea of Culture. (Blackwell, 2000), p.6

[7] Ibid., p.7

[8] Burke III, E. The Ethnographic State: France and the Innovation of Moroccan Islam. (UCP, 2014), p.27

[9] Said, E.W. Orientalism. (New York: Vintage Books Edition, 1979), p.12

[10] Ibid., p.3

[11] Davidson, N. Only Muslim: Embodying Islam in Twentieth Century France. (CUP, 2012), p.1

[12] Ibid., p.18

[13] Ibid., p.20

[14] Bowen, J.R. ‘Recognising Islam in France after 9/11’ in the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies (2009 35:3), p.444

[15] Ibid., p.447

[16] Davidson, p.24

[17] Duval, G. ‘Les immigrés menacent-ils l’identité nationale?’. http://www.alternatives-economiques.fr/-les-immigres-menacent-ils-l—identite-nationale—_fr_art_633_45514.html, (accessed 11/12/2014)

[18] Davidson, pp.10-11

[19] Sportouch, B. ‘Intégration, assimilation : à droite le clivage inattendu’. http://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/politique/integration-assimilation-a-droite-le-clivage-inattendu_1620089.html#, (accessed 11/12/2014)

[20] AFP

[21] Ibid.

[22] Bowen, p.444

[23] AFP

[24] Bowen, p.447

[25] Shepard, T. The Invention of Decolonization: The Algerian War and the Remaking of France (CUP, 2006)

[26] Shepard, p.247

[27] Sportouch

[28] Ibid.

[29] Ibid.

[30] Oubrou, T. Un imam en colère. (Bayard, 2012), p.71

[31] Wieder

[32] Ahearne, p.322

[33] Clancy-Smith, J. ‘Islam, Gender and Identities in the Making of French Algeria 1830-1962’ in Domesticating the Empire (Virginia, 1998), p.163

[34] Ibid., pp.155-6

[35] Ibid., p.166

[36] Ibid., p.169

[37] Ibid., p.164

[38] Pham-Le, J. ‘Crèches de Noël interdites: la défense de la laïcité va-t-elle trop loin?’

http://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/societe/religion/creches-de-noel-interdites-la-defense-de-la-laicite-va-t-elle-trop-loin_1628969.html#fYJH5SGPJ9DyTWQs.99, (accessed 11/12/2014)

[39] Ahearne, p.322

 

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